Wednesday, October 29, 2014

Catherine Howard: A History Through Novels and Films

History is events or people that other people have written about. Whenever something is written it has to come from somewhere, but is that somewhere reliable? The exact truth behind the story cannot be truly known. One can put together pieces of the puzzle, but will never truly know what happened. Hayden White presents this idea as well, “Events happen or occur; facts are constituted by the subsumption of events under a description, which is to say, by acts of prediction.”[1] This is exceptionally true in the 16th century. What historians have to base their work off of are official political documents, diaries, letters, and other similar items. The story of Catherine Howard is one that is not told often, not nearly as often as the one of her infamous cousin, Anne Boleyn. The purpose of the essay is to critically assess, by means of comparison, how different texts have treated Catherine Howard throughout history.
            The material that covers the story of Catherine and her life is extremely minimal. She was not as influential or as important as some of Henry VIII’s wives, but the lack of books and articles on her was stunning. With the hype of the Tudor’s stories, one would think there would be a lot written about every aspect of their lives. Catherine Howard changed the thinking and attitude of the king during their marriage, even if it was for a brief time, and brought youthfulness back into his court. Henry was really excited about his marriage.[2] During their marriage, Henry became more healthy and cheerful, rose before six, and put in more hours at business than ever before.[3] Even so, her story is hardly known. Within the Showtime film series, The Tudors, Catherine Howard’s was featured in 5 episodes. But was her story justly told? The same question is asked of Diane Haegar’s book The Queen’s Mistake: Life in the Court of Henry VIII. Each of these mediums tell Catherine’s story in a novelistic and entertaining way. The question that I seek out in this essay is whether or not either of these mediums portrays Catherine justly. Do they accurately show her intelligence, her personality and her struggles? First I will explain film as a medium for history, and then I will discuss Catherine’s overall portrayal within the two mediums. Secondly, I will investigate specific aspects of her life shown in the mediums: Her intelligence, her kindness and her wants and desires. Finally, I will explain as to whether or not the mediums did indeed show Catherine fairly and why they did or did not.
            Film as a medium for history has been very controversial. In Hayden White’s article, he presents the question that many historians, including Robert Rosenstone, have asked “is it possible to ‘translate’ a given written account of history into a visual-auditory equivalent without significant loss of content?” He also explains Rosenstone’s second question, “Can historyphoty, the representation of history and our thought about it in visual images and film discourse, adequately convey with complex, qualified and critical dimensions of historical thinking about events?[4] I believe the same is true for historical novels. Historical novels and film are both a representation of history and can provide a good understanding of the history. The controversy that I have come across is that they are inaccurate, and do not represent the history in complex, qualified and critical ways. This essay will show that they really can provide an accurate reading of the history.
            In the film series The Tudors, Catherine Howard is introduced in season four, episodes one through five. The outline of the episodes is thus:
1.      Henry is proud of Catherine, his beautiful, vivacious 17-year-old wife, who buys silence from an old friend by making her a member of the court.
2.      Joan Bulmer discloses the queen's sexual history to Lady Rochford, who tells it to Culpepper and arranges for him to have a liaison with Catherine.
3.      While Henry prepares for a politically important trip to meet the defeated Northern rebels, Queen Catherine carries on her affair with Culpepper.
4.      Queen Catherine is being blackmailed. Henry receives an anonymous letter accusing his wife of a sexual relationship, and he orders an investigation.
5.      The investigation into Queen Catherine's past moves quickly. When told of the discoveries, Henry's response is unsentimental and swift.[5]
In the film, Catherine is portrayed as a complete idiot of a girl. She is shown to have no code of conduct, to do as she pleases, and to cry and run around like a child. Parading herself around court, she catches the eye of the King. She is shown to shove herself at him. She is showered with gifts and takes them without question. Catherine expects everything and then some. The Catherine Howard in the film is very much unlikeable, although she is beautiful and innocent looking. The actress that plays Catherine suits the descriptions of Catherine in the books with her hazel eyes and auburn hair.[6] The girl in the film squeals with delight yet pouts like a baby. The actress certainly provides the audience with a view of Catherine’s personality as rather overbearing. [7]
In the book, The Queen’s Mistake, Catherine is shown in a different light. Haegar has a great talent for making you feel like you're amongst the court of Henry VIII. Her descriptions of the surroundings, clothing, food, etc. are very vivid. Catherine was so young and naive and never had the opportunity to reach her potential and come into her own. Catherine did what was expected of her and tried to make the marriage work. She stayed faithful to Henry and also suffered a couple of miscarriages. Then when she tried to save an old woman in the tower and argued with Henry about this he had the woman put to death anyway. This showed her what kind of a man Henry really was.[8] It makes you feel very sorry for Catherine and you can see how Henry saw her as a “Rose without a Thorn”.
We can only assume Catherine’s intelligence from what historians have said about her. Williamson accounts for her intelligence from a portrait that was painted of her. “It was of a beautiful woman carrying gentleness and intelligence in her face. From it few would suspect her true history”.[9] Although, inferring someone’s intelligence through a portrait is far from an accountable conclusion. Another historian, Neville Williams explains how Catherine had treated Princess Mary when she was reluctant to pay homage to her father’s new wife. He explains that Catherine deprived her of two of her maids as a punishment for not paying her as much respect as she had for Henry’s previous wives.[10] Whether or not this was just childish play, or if it was Catherine using her wits to get back at Princess Mary is debatable. The moment is, however, executed within the film and book. In the film, Catherine is astonished that Princess Mary will not respect her, even though Mary is a few years her elder. Catherine takes personal offence and strips Mary of her maids in an ‘I’ll show you!’ type manner. But in the book, the way Catherine approaches the problem is rather different. She is puzzled as to why Mary will not be kind to her, and she searches to find an answer to the problem. The end result is taking her maids. Catherine Howard is not remembered for her wits though.
Another author shines light on Catherine’s intellect. As a young girl at the Duchess of Norfolk’s house, her and Francis Dereham had relations and he had asked her multiple times to marry him. Dereham eventually had to realize that a Howard girl did not have a choice in who she would wed.[11] When it came down to her trial, she was too naive to realize that by admitting to a pre-contract she could have saved her life. If she had never been the king's legal wife, she could not be accused of adultery. That (adultery) was what the council was trying to prove, which she quickly realized.[12] She could have, potentially, saved her head and lived in the country somewhere if she would have admitted to the pre-contract. In both the film and the book, Catherine does not realize this, and irrationally denies any charges against her.
An additional situation in which the intelligence, or lack thereof, of Catherine is displayed is when her former confidants turned up at court. Mary Lassels could have been jealous because the others from their childhood home had been granted places at court while she had been neglected.[13] Mary had knowledge of Catherine’s youthful activities in the Duchess of Norfolk’s estate.[14] Catherine could have been keeping Mary, Francis Dereham at a distance, for her own safety. When the old friends turn up in the film series, Catherine is not pleased. She sees Dereham and the horror is evident on her face, leading the audience to believe her guilt. Within the book she is sincerely terrified of both Mary and Dereham turning up. Mary Lassels is known to have blackmailed the young queen to get herself a place at court,[15] but the intensity of the blackmail varies per the story. Both the film and book represent Catherine as utterly terrified and unsure of how to deal with the situation. Given the circumstances, it may have been wiser to banish them from court or create a situation that would discredit anything they had to say. But Catherine takes to their blackmail, and tries to live normally. Then they start whispering.
Whether or not Catherine was entirely kind, is also up for debate. It is not unknown that her husband was rather spiteful. Henry had never spared a man in his anger nor a woman in his lust.[16] Some of the queen’s actions were done with kindness, while others were malicious. We can refer back to the passage where I spoke about her and the Princess Mary. Taking two of her maids because she avoided her does not seem entirely nice. The way the film made it seem, it was a cruel thing to do, but the book did not make it look as bad. Another example of the young queen’s kindness can be seen when a low born boy at court did not bow properly to her in the hall. She immediately called him back and made him kneel before her a hundred times. He was a poor boy from the country and thought “such was her nobleness to me that, to show me the better how to bow, she lifted up all her garments to the calf of her leg that I might observe the grace of drawing the back of the foot and bowing of the knee.”[17] Although it would be seen as improper for the queen to lift her skirts to show a proper bow, she did it for this young boy. This action is not seen in the film nor in the book, but is taken from an account of a young boy, John Smyth. I don’t think it was wanted to be in the records of her life for her to be known as kind.
            Did Catherine Howard really want to become Queen of England and Henry VIII’s fifth wife? What girl wouldn’t want to be queen? But what seventeen year old, high spirited girl would want to be tied to a bloated and repellent husband?[18] The politics and gifts of her marriage were extraordinary. She was dangled before the eyes of the frustrated and disappointed monarch by her scheming uncle, the Duke of Norfolk .[19] Catherine was a pawn to elevate the Howard family after their disgrace with Anne Boleyn. Catherine’s choices and wishes were not of importance to her uncle. In the book this is clearly identified during meetings she had with her family. The film does not clearly show how the Duke of Norfolk essentially forced Catherine upon the King, it just shows Catherine as greedy, taking anything she can get, and more. 
The King was “besotted with Catherine’s youthful gaiety. He lavished jewels and clothes upon her and his extravagance extended to the whole court.” [20] Every girl would adore this attention. But in Catherine basically exemplifies the phrase “Money cannot buy love”. She wanted something more. But being the wife of the King of England did not come with the perk of being allowed a ‘male mistress’. The film and the book both show Catherine as always longing to be with Thomas Culpepper, a handsome young man of the Kings Privy Chamber Council.[21] Catherine shows her naivety and youth in her night time actions. During the day, she seemingly loves the king and says all the proper words to please him, but at night, she is sneaky and her harlot ways shone through. The book shows her as sad, and longing for more to please her.
Did Catherine Howard really love Thomas Culpepper or was she just being lustful? From the ways the book and film show her and Culpepper’s relationship, you gather that she really does love the man. Both sources show her as completely smitten with Culpepper, and not just in the bedroom. Dereham was displeased to know that Culpepper had “succeeded him in the Queen’s affections”[22] While Culpepper boasted if the king were to die, he would surely marry Catherine.[23] Catherine had been known to call him her ‘sweet little fool’ and give him small presents. Culpepper’s affections and actions towards the queen were just as forward. He would write her letters and sign ‘yours as long as life endures’.[24] Williams also claims that Catherine was sickened by an aged husband for whom she had no love and tried desperately to find consolation in a lover.[25] Williams is also so bold as to say that Catherine may have even hoped that Culpepper would father a child for her to play off as a baby prince. [26] Though there is not much to back up that statement with.
Once again, both of the mediums reveal the love affair justly. Catherine and Culpepper were indeed infatuated with each other in both the book and film. The film showed them more physically involved than the book cared to mention. The book represented Catherine as missing Culpepper when they were apart and longing for him to be around again. I don’t think there can be much argument as to whether or not Catherine actually loved Culpepper. Her final words on the scaffold were "I die a queen, but I would rather die the wife of Culpepper." Admitting this was treason, and the axe fell.[27]
            Whether or not Catherine Howard was fairly shown in The Queens Mistake or The Tudors is difficult to say. The history that is recorded of her is very obscure. The 1950s and 1960s provided many texts on The Tudors, but not Catherine specifically. While there are many books on the Tudors, there are hardly many mentions to Catherine Howard. Most books only mention her in a single sentence, if at all.
 I theorize the reason she is so historically obscure is because she is a stain on Henry VIII’s marriage record. Her marriage, reign, and life was so short, I feel as though England wanted to forget her. The historian Tosh claims that “Some history amounted to little more than cynical improvisation on the part of writers seeking political patronage.” [28] If this is indeed true, it would give us a good explanation as to why there is so little written about Catherine. The king didn’t want his ‘rose without a thorn’ to be written about. She was an embarrassment. To find a sturdy historical book on Catherine Howard, as a text book and not a historical novel is extremely difficult, and almost non-existent.
Although some things are interpreted because certain facts were not important to have written down at the time, the film and book both do provide rather accurate readings into the life of Catherine Howard. Each of the authors of the book and film had to use what actions that were recorded and interpret from them how their Catherine would act, speak and act. History through film and novels is a tricky subject but I feel as though both The Queen’s Mistake and The Tudors gives a good perspective of Catherine Howard’s life and personality.




[1] White, Hayden. Historiography and Historophoty. (Abingdon, Routledge, 2009) pp. 56.
[2] Guy, John. The Tudors: A Very Short Introduction. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) pp. 35.
[3] Williamson, James A. The Tudor Age. (London: Longmans Green and Co Ltd: 1953) pp. 168.
[4] White, Hayden. Historiography and Historophoty. (Abingdon, Routledge, 2009) pp. 53.
[5] Hirst, Michael. "The Tudors." Reveille Eire Oct 05 2007. DVD.
[6] Neville Williams. A Tudor Tragedy: Thomas Howard Fourth Duke of Norfolk. (Guernsey: The Guernsey Press, 1964) pp. 5
[7] Hirst, Michael. "The Tudors." Reveille Eire Oct 05 2007. DVD.
[8] Haegar, Diane. The Queen’s Mistake: Life in the Court of Henry VII.(New York: New American Library, 2009)
[9] Williamson, James A. The Tudor Age. (London: Longmans Green and Co Ltd: 1953) pp. 170.
[10] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 205.
[11] Wilson, Derek. A Tudor Tapestry: Men, Women & Society in Reformation England. (London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1972) pp. 133.
[12]Weir, Alison. The Six Wives of Henry VIII, (New York: Grove Press, 1991) pp. 452.
[13] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 208.
[14] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 208.
[15]Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 208.
[16] Morris, Christopher. The Tudors. (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd: 1955) pp. 99.
[17] Smith, Lacey Baldwin. Treason in Tudor England: Politics and Paranoia. (London: Jonathan Cape Ltd, 1986) pp. 78.
[18] Grant, Neil. Kings and Queens. (London: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996) pp. 170.
[19] Wilson, Derek. A Tudor Tapestry: Men, Women & Society in Reformation England. (London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1972) pp. 120.
[20] Wilson, Derek. A Tudor Tapestry: Men, Women & Society in Reformation England. (London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1972) pp. 123.
[21]Wilson, Derek. A Tudor Tapestry: Men, Women & Society in Reformation England. (London: William Heinemann Ltd, 1972) pp. 136.
[22] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 208.
[23] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 208.
[24] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 209.
[25] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 209.
[26] Williams, Neville. Henry VIII and His Court. (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson Ltd, 1971) pp. 209.
[27] Strempel, Eileen. Try Me, Good King: Last Words of the Wives of Henry VIII. (Academic OneFile- Document, October 2007) pp. 7.
[28] Tosh, John. Historians on History. (Harlow: Pearson Education Ltd, 2000) pp. 6.

The Start of a Trading City and Creation of Westminster: Viking’s Political and Economic Effect on London

What was the impact of the Viking invasion the redevelopment of London's economy and political status in the 9th and 10th centuries?

          The Norse seafaring people used their long shallow boats to row up the Thames and reshape London leaving an impact on the city and country that would last until modern times. They not only destroyed, looted and moved on from the places they conquered, they occasionally stayed. The Vikings occupied London for about 200 years and did not entirely harm the city during their reign. How Vikings have been viewed throughout history has varied with the ages. They were seen as terrible barbaric people who raped women, stole riches, burned towns and moved on to the next. The ways in which they were portrayed were brutal but were they really as brutal as they are sometimes made out to be? The impact of the Viking invasion on London’s economy and political status was immense in the 9th and 10th centuries. They transformed London into an important trading hub, connecting it to the rest of Europe and developed its economy through trade. The Vikings also made political moves that provide us with our modern city scheme. In this essay, we will first examine who the Vikings were, where they came from and how they got to London. Secondly, we will discuss the Viking occupation of London. Lastly, we will investigate the impact that the Viking occupation had on London politically and economically and how that impacted the future layout of London.
            Popular ideas of the Vikings are usually different then the complex picture that emerges from archaeology and written sources. A romanticized picture of Vikings as noble savages began to take root in the 18th century. This developed and became widely spread during the 19th-century Viking revival.[1] There is a point on the perception of ‘Viking’ that I find worthy to point out for this essay: Not all Danes were Vikings, and not all Vikings were Danes. (Likewise for Norwegians, Swedes, and other Scandinavians) But for all intensive purposes of this essay, we will refer to all the Norse seafaring warriors from Scandinavia as Vikings.
            Who were the Vikings? As I have just said, they were seafaring warriors from Scandinavia. They came from various parts of Scandinavia and raided, traded, and settled in various parts of Europe and Asia.[2] The Vikings would travel from Scandinavia all the way across the Baltic, down through the Mediterranean and even to the Americas. Their main interest was to find wealth, and to take it.  They took monks and unguarded people as their slaves and sold them for riches at their trading ports. The Vikings had languages and gods that were unique to them.[3] These people navigated the world and did all their conquests on their ships.
            It was, for a time, a mystery as to how the Vikings got from Scandinavia to the interior of Europe and beyond, but the discovery of two ships filled with slain warriors uncovered on the Estonian island of Saaremaa has helped archaeologists and historians understand the Vikings' warships. This discovery exposed the evolution of the ships from short-range, rowed crafts to sailing ships; where the first warriors came from; and how their battle tactics were developed.[4]  The ships were quite, fast, narrow and light, which enabled them to navigate not only the sea, but also through intercontinental rivers.[5] This is how they reached London.
            To truly understand the Viking’s impact on London one must start at the beginning of their raids in England.  In 789 the first recorded Viking attack happens in Dorset. The Viking attack on Portland in Dorset is the first of its kind recorded in the British Isles. The reeve of Dorchester, a local high-ranking official, went to greet them after they landed and was killed. The Vikings were not the Scandinavian traders the towns people may have been used to. The Viking Age is known to have begun on June 8, 793, at an island monastery off the coast of northern England. A monk recorded the moment with a brief entry: "The ravages of heathen men miserably destroyed God's church on Lindisfarne, with plunder and slaughter."[6] Another monk recorded said it was “God's punishment on the kingdom for its fornication, adultery, incest and greed.”[7] Viking attacks increased in intensity over the coming decades.[8]
            The Vikings navigated to London around 830 and from then onward London suffered from numerous Viking attacks. The city was attacked in 842 in a raid that was described by a chronicler as "the great slaughter". In 851, another raiding party, reputedly involving 350 ships, came to plunder the city. Vikings were drawn to London by its vulnerable riches and its strategic position alongside the Thames. He who controlled London controlled the use of the Thames as a waterway for war galleys and he controlled the midlands of England.[9] London had easy access for the Vikings. Not only did the city have sea access via the Thames River, the old Roman road system was still intact. The route that the Viking armies took and the speed at which they traveled indicates their use of the Roman road systems.[10] In 871 Ethelred and Alfred of Wessex meet the Vikings in several battles. A series of bloody clashes between the armies of the Vikings and the kingdom of Wessex took place at Reading, Ashdown, Basing and elsewhere. None of these battles were exceptionally significant. Ethelred died during the campaign and Alfred became king of Wessex and would go on to be called Alfred the Great, the only English monarch to have ‘The Great’ tacked on to their name.[11]
In 878, West Saxon forces led by Alfred the Great defeated the Vikings at the Battle of Ethandun and forced their leader Guthrum to sue for peace. The Treaty of Wedmore and the later Treaty of Alfred and Guthrum divided England and created the Danish controlled Danelaw. It was during this time that London came under the direct control of English kings. Alfred's son Edward the Elder won back much land from Danish control. London had become an important commercial center in the 10th century. Although the political center of England was Winchester, London was becoming increasingly important through the monarchs that were to come.[12] This is the rebirth of the idea of London as a capital city. In 954 virtually all England was under the control of one king and this is the first time it becomes possible to speak of a united English country.[13]
After a century of relative peace in London, more Viking raids began to occur in 980.  Viking King Olaf Tryggvason of Norway and King Sweyn Forkbeard of Denmark steered their ships into London and planned to seize it.  They attacked the city firmly and tried to set it on fire. They suffered more harm and injury than they expected and were forced to retreat. Olaf stayed and joined forces with King Ethelred the Unready. Sweyn retreated back to Kent, where he reassembled his forces.[14] In 1013 Sweyn defeated Ethelred and Olaf and the city of London was forced surrendered.  A year later, Ethelred and Olaf gathered their armies and prepared to take back the city. Together, the two forces took down London Bridge and forced the Vikings out of their city. The nursery rhyme about London Bridge falling down is is thought to have originated from this battle. “London Bridge is broken down/ Gold is won and bright renown”.[15] Despite all the work Ethelred did to reclaim his city, it was attacked and captured again by son of Sweyn, the Danish King Cnut. Ethelred fled to Normandy and Cnut then gave himself the title, King of England in 1016.[16]
London under the rule of the Danish King Cnut was not as ruthless as one might think. Under Cnut and his successors is where we see the lasting impacts of the Viking occupation on London. Cnut took fiscal revenge on the unenthusiastic Londoners. He made them render one eighth of their incomes to England. He made sure they wouldn’t rise up against him by stationing loyal his Danes all about the city. While previous monarchs had ruled from Winchester, Cnut made London the unambiguous capital of England.[17] London is now officially the political seat of the country. After Cnut’s death, the Saxon line was reinstated with Cnut’s stepson, Edward the Confessor.
The Vikings, while in power, did great things for London. They originally, and for a number of times, came against the city as semi-savages only to steal, sack and slay, but even before the fall of the Saxon power they had begun to settle down as promoters of industry and commerce. Not all that the Vikings brought was bad. They reintroduced the importance of London as a port city. Roman London was emphasized as an important port, but the ports were slightly forgotten during the Anglo Saxon rule. Merchants of the powerful Hanseatic League, which managed the commercial interests of a confederation of German and Scandinavian trading cities, mentioned London as early as the 10th century.[18] Viking’s trade systems connected London to ports in Russia, Greenland, mainland Europe and Byzantium.  The Vikings literately gave London the access to their trading routes. They bought goods and materials such as silver, silk, spices, wine, jewelry, glass, pottery, honey, tin, wheat, wood, iron, fur, leather, fish and walrus ivory.[19] London as an important trading port had been reborn.
Along with reinstating a prosperous trading hub in London’s ports, the Vikings impacted the economics in London as well. In 1018 Danish King Cnut placed an outrageous tax on Londoners of what is equal to £ll,000 today. The amount not only shows the wealthy condition the people were living in at the time but it also shows how productive London had to have been in order for the people to have even had this much money. The productiveness of London to have been then about one-seventh of the productiveness of the whole kingdom. The tax on London was £11,000, while that on all England was £72,000.[20] During Cnut’s rule, London was flourishing!
After the death of King Cnut, his successor, Edward the Confessor built Westminster Abbey and the surrounding area including the Westminster Palace. This created a second nucleus for London’s growth. Westminster was the political hub, contrary to its economic counterpart within the old Roman walls. The creation of Westminster would shape the entire succeeding history, not only for the future of London as a Metropolis, but for the entire country itself.[21] The migration to Westminster was the first step to the planting of royal government at Westminster. It drew expansion westward and set up potential separations between the Crown and the City.[22] Because of the founding of Westminster, we see a distinction between political London and economic London. Still today Westminster is home to London’s politics, while the City of London is home to its economics.
The economy that was set up in London from the Vikings was steady. The people became townies while the city grew because of the trading merchants. Through trade and invasion, London has been sucked into Europe. By 1066 London had become so mighty that even William the Conqueror knew it would be too dangerous to reshape it. He left its inhabitants to do their trade, with a tax of course, while he ruled on the side. [23]
      The Viking Kings of England undid the Anglo Saxon dynasties and instated their own, even though they Saxon line was reinstated after Cnut. They created a whirlwind of physical political changes that would not change. They made London a center of foreign wares for all parts of the kingdom. They soon constituted London, with its suburbs, the true capital of England, both commercial and political. On the 6 of January 1066 Edward the Confessor died and is succeed by Harold Godwinson, earl of Wessex, who was crowned the same day as the funeral of his predecessor. He was immediately faced with powerful threats from William, Duke of Normandy, and Harold Hardrada, King of Norway, both of whom laid claim to the English throne.[24] With three families laying claim to the English throne, the situation was unpleasant, but William of Normandy succeeded in winning the throne.
The rule of William the Conqueror marks the end of Vikings in London, but not the end of their impact. As we have discussed the Viking’s impact on London was both political and economic. The re-founding of the ports of London allowed the Vikings to use their giant trade system which connected London to the many new places throughout Europe and west Asia. The trade system that the Vikings had increased the wealth of the city as well as the people living there. The creation of Westminster moved the politics of London westward and left the economics to be in the City of London. The Vikings did not just pillage, rape and plunder London, but through their trade routes and expansions they brought forth the beginning of London as a Metropolis.



[1] Langer, Johnny. "The Origins of the Imaginary Viking", Viking Heritage Magazine, Gotland University/Centre for Baltic Studies. Visby (Sweden), n. 4, 2002. Accessed November 23, 2013.
[2] Roesdahl, Else. The Vikings, London: Penguin Books, 1998. pp. 9-21.
[3] Roesdahl, Else. The Vikings, London: Penguin Books, 1998. pp. 52, 78, 147.
[4] Curry, Andrew. "The First Vikings." Archaeology 66, no. 4: 24-29. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013.
[5] Langer, Johnny. "The Origins of the Imaginary Viking", Viking Heritage Magazine, Gotland University/Centre for Baltic Studies. Visby (Sweden), n. 4, 2002. Accessed November 23, 2013.
[6] Curry, Andrew. "The First Vikings." Archaeology 66, no. 4: 24-29. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013.
[7] British Broadcasting Center, "Vikings and Anglo-Saxons." Last modified 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/timeline/vikinganglosaxons_timeline_noflash.shtml
[8]British Broadcasting Center, "Vikings and Anglo-Saxons." Last modified 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/timeline/vikinganglosaxons_timeline_noflash.shtml
[9] Lewis, Jon E. London: The Autobiography : 2,000 Years of the Capital's History by Those who Saw it Happen. London: Constable & Robinson Ltd, 2008.
[10] Vince, Alan. Saxon London: An Archaeological Investigation. London: B.A. Seaby Ltd. 1990. pp. 119.
[11]  British Broadcasting Center, "Vikings and Anglo-Saxons." Last modified 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/timeline/vikinganglosaxons_timeline_noflash.shtml
[12]British Broadcasting Center, "Vikings and Anglo-Saxons." Last modified 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/timeline/vikinganglosaxons_timeline_noflash.shtml
[13] Schneer, Jonathan. The Thames. New Haven: Yale University Press. 2005. pp. 25.
[14] Lewis, Jon E. London: The Autobiography : 2,000 Years of the Capital's History by Those who Saw it Happen. London: Constable & Robinson Ltd, 2008. pp. 46-47.
[15] Wilson, A.N. London: A Short History. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. 2004. pp. 20.
[16] Lewis, Jon E. London: The Autobiography : 2,000 Years of the Capital's History by Those who Saw it Happen. London: Constable & Robinson Ltd, 2008. pp. 46-47.
[17] Lewis, Jon E. London: The Autobiography : 2,000 Years of the Capital's History by Those who Saw it Happen. London: Constable & Robinson Ltd, 2008. pp. 46-47.
[18] Tames, Richard. City of London Past. London: Historical Publications Ltd. 1995. pp. 31.
[19] Inwood, Stephen. History of London. Great Britain: Macmillan Publishers Ltd. 1998. pp. 47.
[20] UK Genealogy Archives,History: London,” The Comprehensive Gazetteer of England and Wales, 1894-5, Last modified November 18th 2010. Accessed November 23, 2013 http://ukga.org//england/London/gazetteer/A.html
[21] Tames, Richard. City of London Past. London: Historical Publications Ltd. 1995. pp. 14
[22] Porter, Roy. London: A Social History. London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1994. pp. 27.
[23] Porter, Roy. London: A Social History. London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1994. pp. 27.
[24] British Broadcasting Center, "Vikings and Anglo-Saxons." Last modified 2013. Accessed November 23, 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/timeline/vikinganglosaxons_timeline_noflash.shtml