Medieval
lords and nobles were the center of medieval society. Among many things, the
lords kept the peace, kept the bread ovens, and controlled the taxes. There are
an abundance of qualities a good lord should withhold. A decent medieval lord
would be a pious Christian man, an extravagant gift giver, and with strength on
the battlefield. In order for a medieval lord to keep his manor or kingdom, he
must meet these qualities. Because these three main qualities became quite important
for a lord, the medieval government landscape transformed to a bureaucratic
administration during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. This essay will first
examine the three main traits of a good lord and then assess how the traits
assisted in the transition to a bureaucratic government, proving that the
traits did indeed influence the evolution to bureaucracy.
There was a sensitive balance
between the church and state during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. An
abundance of holy days, saints, and clerical positions shaped daily life.
Within King Æthelred’s law code, he makes a clear description of all clerical
matters that were relevant in his kingdom. The first subjects in his law code
all discussed the country’s faith: Christianity. The kingdom will hold one
Christian faith “and that peace and friendship are to be rightly maintained in
both religious and secular concerns within this country”[1].
King Æthelred also emphasizes that God’s servants be extra dedicated to God. He
decrees that all of his subjects must be loyal to their lords, to him (their
king), and to the one God.[2]
King Æthelred’s law code is an textbook example of a Christian focused lord. A
good lord decrees the difference between the state and the church while also
explaining all the duties of the church and its followers.
Florence of Worcester illustrates
what a lord would do to prove his holiness. He tells us of Harold Hardrada and
his way of proving his worthiness to rule England. He began to “patronize
churches and monasteries; to pay particular reverence to bishops, abbots,
monks, and clerks; and to show himself pious, humble and affable to all good
men.”[3]
Florence of Worcester is particularly bias towards Harold in his writing, while
not favoring this “Count of Normandy”[4]
that is trying to usurp the throne from Harold. At the end of his writing, he
describes the anointment of William I and points out that William had to swear
to “defend the holy churches of God and their ministers…”[5] To
the monk, Florence of Worcester, it is very important for a king to be godly
and pious. He favors Harold because of his direct piety, while disliking William
I for his relentless slaughters. Good
lords not only needed Christian piety, but should also be generous gift givers
as well.
Lords
in the eleventh and twelfth centuries displayed an abundance gift giving to
receive and display their power. The various charters of donations to the
Abbey of Cluny provide both Christian and gift giving examples of good
lordship. Lords not only gave gifts to their vassals but to God as well.[6] It
was an immense display of power and wealth if you had the means to give away many
things to the abbeys. Kings, lords, nobles and wealthy families alike, would
donate to devout abbeys like the one at Cluny to display their own wealth and
piety. The various charters of donations to the Abbey of Cluny displays many
families donating personal items, lands, slaves, and children to the Abbey[7] in
hopes that it will save their souls and please God. Although important,
donating to monasteries and abbeys were not the only way that gifts were given
and received during this time period.
The Agreements between Count William and Hugh
display the method of gift giving and taking. Within the account, Count William
repeatedly promises Hugh various gifts of land, wives, and armies whilst all
the while, refusing him and giving them to another lord that is already
mightier.[8]
The count knows Hugh is a loyal and faithful lord that would not cross him even
if the count were to act unjustly toward him. In order to keep peace in his
land, the count gives gifts to strong lords to keep them happy, so they will
not try to overthrow him. Hugh is the victim of the situation who ends up with
nothing because of this. In order to keep peace in his realm, the count must
give gifts of land, wives, armies and supplies to his lords. Gift-giving can
come in many forms but the purpose remains the same: to hold peace within the
kingdom and display your control and wealth. Along with the Christian gift
giver, a good lord must also be strong in the battlefield.
A good lord is a mighty warrior.
During the eleventh and twelfth centuries it was vital for a king and his lords
to be powerful in strength. A document that we previously looked at also communicates
the importance of strength for kings and lords. King Æthelred’s law code decrees
that any man that deserts the king’s army, all his property and life shall be
forfeit.[9]
Because King Æthelred included this in his law code, we can conduct that the
army was indeed important to King Æthelred and he could not tolerate deserters
and cowards within it. King Æthelred was one of many lords who were conscious
of their armies.
To receive much praise, admiration,
and loyalty, a king must be a good warrior. William of Jumièges writes of
William I within his title The Deeds of
the Dukes of the Normans. “…the Londoners… gave hostage and submitted
themselves and all they had to their noble conqueror and hereditary lord. And
thus his triumph duly completed in spite of so many perils, our illustrious
duke, to whom our inadequate words do not begin to do justice…”[10]
the author also refers to William as a “fortunate war-leader”[11].
Because of William’s success on the battlefield, he successfully forced the
English into submission. William I is one of the best examples of a strong war
leading king.
Not only were kings supposed to be
good warriors, but their lords and nobles were as well. Stephen of Blois is a
lord that displays the qualities of a good lord. He is pious, generous, and a
warrior. In March 1098 he writes to his wife (and vassals) illustrating hope,
piety, and ferocity on the battlefield. The first crusade was a disastrous
campaign but Stephen depicts it with false claims that would encourage more men
(his vassals) to bring their arms to aid the Christians. This letters
illuminates what a crusader was supposed to think of the campaign. He describes
that “many of our brethren and followers were killed and their souls were borne
to the joys of paradise”, “God [is] continually fighting for us”, “Our
men…prepare to die for Christ” (295)[12].
Stephen of Blois was a crusading lord who encouraged others to crusade after
him, who glorified crusading, and who convinced his vassals of the rewards. A
good lord is courageous and encourages men to fight alongside him even if death
is certain.
Christian, gift-giving, fighting
kings and lords are the ones who are known to be successful throughout the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. All of these great qualities that are required
of kings brought forth a new style of governing during the medieval era. Out of
these qualities, bureaucracy developed. Christian kings and lords took it upon
themselves to fight in the crusades, leaving their manors and castles without a
leader. They had to appoint people to bureaucratic offices to hold the
government together. An extremely honorable gift to receive from the king was a
political office in which the receiver helps run the country for the king. Such
gifts also increased bureaucracy within the time.
The Christian lord’s transition to
bureaucracy begins with the appointment of clerical positions. It was the
Christian lord’s duty to appoint the clergy to their monastic place. This
becomes practice of the appointment of political offices for a bureaucratic
government. King Æthelred makes it clear what the duties are for the clergy in
his law code.[13]
The next method a Christian lord transitioned to bureaucracy is through the
crusades. In his letter to his wife, Stephen of Blois appoints her “to
carefully watch over your land, to do your duty as you ought to your children
and your vassals.”[14]
Women during the eleventh and twelfth centuries arose in power whilst their
husbands were crusading. This opens the door to appointing nobles to keep the
kingdom while their lord is away. It could be said that the Christian lord’s
bureaucratic government was born out of the first crusade.
The gift-giving lord’s transition to
bureaucracy involves a switch of the types of gifts that were being given. The
Norse invasions ceased and chaos was not as widely spread. Lords could not loot
and seize properties and possessions from weaker adversaries as they once had.
Stealing to give was no longer an opportunity for the lords of the medieval
period. After this ceased, gifts were given as political offices often
resembling chancellors, chamberlains, and constables. Henry I and William I
instated a gift giving bureaucratic government. Henry I initiated the exchequer
as a permanent government agency. Within the Dialogue of the Exchequer we can see the outcome of the many appointed
offices. “There is a lower exchequer (Receipt) where the money is handed over
to be counted… [and] and upper exchequer, an account may be rendered of them.” [15]
There is also an usher, a treasurer and many other appointments that are required
for the exchequer’s office. While this is a purely political purpose for
gifting positions at court, it is also evident that gift giving to God was
still alive.
The gift giving lord also gave to
God which lead to bureaucracy. Because many women wrote on account of their
donations to certain abbeys and monasteries, we see the importance of women at
a risen state. They are able to write their own charters on behalf of their
husbands. The Charter of Countess Eusemia
of Oxford demonstration to us the woman taking account of her property even
while her husband, the count, is still alive to witness. While she still points
out the “consent of my husband, Count Aubrey”[16]
it still shows us the usefulness of women during this time period and the
possibility of bureaucratic tendencies within the eleventh and twelfth
centuries. Not only could women write their own charters for donations, but
they could stand in for their husbands in times of need as well.
The warrior lord’s transition to
bureaucracy is similar to that of the Christian lord’s. War called the lord
away from his castle, and left his ruling place open. William I often left his
seat to be filled by his wife Matilda I. The queen would act as regent, advisor
and diplomat while the king was away. This bureaucratic ruling is also seen in
the reign of Richard I, who was only in England for six months of his reign. A
lord at war requires people to stand in for him while he is away.
The traits that create a great lord
or noble are a main cause for the transition to bureaucracy in medieval times.
Because a good lord was Christian, gift giving, and a strong warrior, his kingdom
had to have his positions filled so it did not fall apart while he was away. Before
they went to fight crusades and wars, kings and lords would bestow gifts of
political positions to their wives and eventually to other nobles to fill these
places. The Christian, gift giving, warrior lord made way for the bureaucracy
of the later middle ages.
[1] “King Æthelred, Law Code (1008)” In Reading the Middle
Ages: Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by
Barbara Rosenwein, 262-265. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007.
[2] “King Æthelred, Law Code (1008)”
In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the
Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 262-265. Vol. 2. Toronto:
Broadview Press, 2007
[3] "Florence of Worcester: Chronicles
of Chronicles." In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe,
Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 305. Vol. 2.
Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007.
[4] "Florence of Worcester:
Chronicles of Chronicles." In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources
from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein,
305. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007.
[5] "Florence of Worcester:
Chronicles of Chronicles." In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources
from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein,
307. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007.
[6] "Cluny’s Foundation Charter
and various charters of donation” In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources
from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein,
207-212. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007.
[7] "Cluny’s Foundation Charter
and various charters of donation” In
Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World,
edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 207-212. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007.
[8]“Agreements between Count William
of the Aquitanians and Hugh of Lusignan (1028)” In Reading the Middle
Ages: Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by
Barbara Rosenwein, 213-219. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007
[9] “King Æthelred, Law Code (1008)”
In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the
Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 262-265. Vol. 2. Toronto:
Broadview Press, 2007
[10] “William of Jumièges, The Deeds
of the Dukes of Normans (1070)” In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources
from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein,
304-3055. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007
[11] “William of Jumièges, The Deeds
of the Dukes of Normans (1070)” In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources
from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein,
304-3055. Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007
[12] “Stephen of Blois, Letter to His
Wife (March 1098)” In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe,
Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 293-295.
Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007
[13] King Æthelred, Law Code (1008)
In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the
Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 262-265. Vol. 2. Toronto:
Broadview Press, 2007
[14] “Stephen of Blois, Letter to His
Wife (March 1098)” In Reading the Middle Ages: Sources from Europe,
Byzantium, and the Islamic World, edited by Barbara Rosenwein, 293-295.
Vol. 2. Toronto: Broadview Press, 2007
[15] “Charter
of Countess Eusemia of Oxford (1150)” In Cartularium
Prioratus de Colne, ed. John Fisher, Colchester: 1946. Translated: Heather
Tanner.
[16] “Charter
of Countess Eusemia of Oxford (1150)” In Cartularium
Prioratus de Colne, ed. John Fisher, Colchester: 1946. Translated: Heather
Tanner.
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